Al Amal Issue 03-04

 

 This is a double issue of the Al Amal (Hope) newsletter, produced by the Sudanese Anarchist Gathering.

Taken from the website of the French CNT-AIT.  

 

 JUNE 30 AND THE SUDANESE REVOLUTION: A
PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHIST REFLECTION ON
THE REVOLUTION'S DILEMMA AND THE
CONFLICT WITH ISLAMISTS

On June 30, the Sudanese street returns to movement and
turmoil. This date is no longer just a number on a calendar;
it has become a mirror of the rebellious collective
consciousness and a cry against renewed tyranny under
new guises. From an anarchist perspective, this day cannot
be viewed merely as a celebration of struggle, but rather as
a manifestation of a profound struggle between the masses
seeking complete liberation and the forces of the regime—
whatever its form—that are reproducing control.

1. The revolution failed to dismantle the old regime:

The Sudanese revolution was a spark of true freedom, but
it fell into the trap of a "peaceful transition" engineered by
the military and Islamist establishments, with the
complicity of civilian elites.

No new horizontal relations were established between the
people, but rather the same oppressive hierarchy was
restored. From an anarchist perspective, a revolution is
incomplete unless it dismantles the entire structure of
power, not merely reorganizes it in a more "advanced"
form.

The state has not changed; it has merely altered its
appearance.

Disclaimer: currently the Sudan anarchist gathering do not
have any facebook page. We are not liable for the information
published on Facebook on our behalf.

2. The conflict with Islamists:

Political Islam in Sudan is not merely an ideological
movement; it is an organized apparatus for control and
violence. The anarchist believes that Islamists practiced
"sacred tyranny," using religion as a tool for moral, social,
and economic control, suppressing all attempts at
liberation, especially those based on anarchist or anti-
establishment thought.

However, this conflict should not be understood as a
conflict between "secularists" and "religious people," but
rather between those who seek to reshape the world outside
the logic of authority and those who seek to maintain the
principle of subjugation, whether in the name of religion or
the state.

3. Problems of the Revolution from Within:

3.1 Reliance on Centralization: The Sudanese
revolutionary mindset remains stuck in the illusion of the
"leader," the "council," and "representation." Anarchism
calls for dismantling this illusion and beginning to build
horizontal societal authorities, starting from neighborhoods
and villages and growing in a networked, non-hierarchical
manner.

3.2 Lack of True Class Consciousness: The revolution
has sometimes been marketed as an elitist struggle against
"Islamists," ignoring the roots of class and ethnic
oppression in Sudan.

Anarchism believes that the revolution must connect
poverty, marginalization, ethnic oppression, and central
authority—all aspects of a single violent structure.
3.3 Creating Heroes: Some symbols have been deified,
which contradicts the very principle of revolution.
Successful revolutions are not made by heroes, but by the
conscious, self-organized masses.

4. June 30 as a Potential Anarchist Symbol:

If we want to see June 30 as a potential for radical
transformation, we must free it from its official symbolism
and transform it into a decentralized, cross-party, and
connected ritual of rebellion across neighborhoods, camps,
and the periphery.

June 30 should not be a day to demand a better
government, but rather a day to shatter the illusion of
"government" at its foundation.

In conclusion: The Sudanese revolution has not been
defeated, but hijacked.

The enemy is not only those who raise the banner of
political Islam, but also all those who wear the mask of
"salvation" to restore the same forms of control. From an 
 anarchist perspective, there is no salvation except by
shattering all illusions of the state and beginning to build a
free, decentralized, and united society based on self-
participation and radical equality.

 ON THE 139TH ANNIVERSARY OF
INTERNATIONAL WORKERS’ DAY, STATEMENT
FROM THE ANARCHIST GROUP IN SUDAN

This marks the sixth time we commemorate this occasion
since the birth of our group. We do so while confronting and
transcending what we’ve absorbed from the great social
struggles of the global libertarian labor movement throughout
human and anarchist history.

We draw inspiration from our revolutionary path, which
began in the heart of the 2018 uprising aimed at overthrowing
the regime — a path that passed through the horrific massacre
of the sit-in, the hijacking of the people’s revolution by
political parties, their negotiations with the dictatorial military
council, their power-sharing agreement, and the internal
conflicts that led to the infamous October 25 coup — and
most recently, the bloody authoritarian war of April 15, which
has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern
history.

Your comrades continue to fight with courage — raising the
banner of freedom, rooting anarchist values, and preserving
the group during these catastrophic times. We remember our
martyrs who fell while rescuing war victims, our comrades
who lost their homes, those displaced, and those still fighting
steadfastly across Sudan.

Our struggle deserves precise documentation — to be added
to the broader libertarian experiences of the world and
especially of Africa, this continent entangled in clear and
diverse authoritarian conflicts. We have learned that our fight
against authority must be comprehensive:

Economically, by resisting capitalism, wage slavery, child
labor, and the exploitation of women as cheap labor.
Politically, by resisting totalitarian systems, military
dictatorships, and fascism.

Culturally, by dismantling the primary support pillars of
authoritarian regimes in African states — tribalism and ethnic
division.

Globally, by preventing our people from being turned into lab
rats for global power struggles.

Sudan, a land rich in culture and ancient history, has been
weighed down by traditional and military authorities since
British colonialism, which set the stage for dependency
politics that continue to this day. Following the new global
pattern of dismantling peoples through militia creation, the
fascist regime gave birth to the Janjaweed militia —
responsible for horrific massacres beyond human
comprehension in Khartoum, Al-Jazirah, Wad Al-Noora,
Omdurman, Sennar, and Al-Fashir, which is still being
bombed and ethnically cleansed to this day
In Al-Fashir, we lost comrade Omar Habbash, a heroic
anarchist doctor who insisted on staying to treat the wounded
amidst systematic bombing and genocide.

 We also remember comrade Sara, who was killed in a
bombing in Khartoum — Sara, who always dreamed of a
strong, non-authoritarian feminist movement, a true anarchist
and liberationist front that rejects imperialism, understands
the core of the struggle, and is capable of achieving its goals
and freeing the women of our land from the machinery,
ideology, and propaganda of power.

As we continue to resist — treating our injured volunteer
comrades in dangerous zones, evacuating those trapped in
conflict areas, supporting the livelihoods of displaced and
homeless comrades abroad, writing, documenting, and
building self-sufficiency projects — we deeply appreciate all
those who have supported us. Your solidarity alleviates the
brutality of death, displacement, and killing. Even the
smallest contributions have a tremendous impact — they save
the lives of our comrades and uphold their right to exist as
human beings.

Today, we speak to you with the hope that this war — which
has destroyed the lives of millions, displaced and killed them,
and burdened their existence — will end. We promise
comrades around the world that we will continue to fight for
freedom and anarchism until our last breath.
Support our experience. Support our struggle.
We fight for a free anarchist society.
1st of May 2025
Anarchist Group in Sudan

 SLAVERY IS THE ESSENCE OF POWER

I notice that racism in Sudan takes several forms, but it is
important to understand that all forms of discrimination are
directly connected to the struggle for power or the structural
makeup of authority.

Some may imagine that racism is limited only to skin color—
black or white—but it is surprising that in a country where
most of the population is Black, there exists deadly racism
based on skin tone. The Massalit massacre, which claimed the
lives of nearly 20,000 people from this African indigenous
community about a year ago, marked a critical turning point
in exposing the true aim of this war: replacing and
dismantling independent social components with groups
subordinated to foreign powers pushing long-term agendas of
control over land and resources.

The Janjaweed, who identify with Arabism and practice
nomadic warfare tactics including ethnic cleansing, could not
have executed such acts without external backing that aligns
them with foreign interests.

Today, racism serves as a fundamental tool to boost the
morale of soldiers in both the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)
and the army.

The Janjaweed, through their leaders, now openly attack
specific tribal groups and clearly express their desire to
exterminate entire communities.

This is meet with a reciprocal desire for extermination from
those communities, creating a massive social rupture.
Over time, and with continued support, this rift will inevitably
lead to a devastating civil war that could claim millions of
lives.

In this context, anarchist struggle focuses on influencing these
social groups, reshaping their way of thinking, applying
pressure to sensitive individuals, and raising awareness about
the dangerous agenda of the regime—an agenda that leads
only to ruin.

No one wins a losing battle. The goal must be to build
conscious networks and alliances that resist the project of
social disintegration and civil war, and to redirect this public
outrage toward the regime itself in order to create an effective
movement that halts the ongoing bloodshed.
Fawaz Murtada.

 NEWS OF THE SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN WITH
SUDAN ANARCHISTS

Certainly, the war had a severe impact on the forma&on of
our group, as displacement and dispersion were inevitable
consequences of the violent conflict in the country. However,
thanks to interna&onal solidarity, we managed to rescue
comrades trapped in conflict zones, bring them to safety, and
help them se-le into their new homes. We also assisted
others in finding shelter.

Personally, during the war, I hosted more than three families
of comrades, reinforcing the principle of solidarity un&l they
were able to stabilize their situa&ons.

Despite our limited resources, we went far beyond our
capacities. Most of our comrades volunteered to serve the
affected community and vulnerable groups, such as children,
women, and the elderly. Given the scarcity of humanitarian
aid and the worsening crisis, we had no other choice but to
step up.

Additionally, it was crucial to reflect the true causes,
dynamics, and developments of the war from our anarchist
perspective to the world. We also worked to defuse the
tensions that warring factions sought to escalate in order to
fuel the conflict by raising awareness about the nature of the
war. Another vital aspect of our efforts was educating people
about the dangers of war remnants and how to deal with
cases of captivity, detention, starvation, injuries, and war-
related waste.

Despite our lack of resources, we remain commi-ed to our
liberatory duty—spreading awareness in these complex
circumstances.

We hope to expand participation and broaden the scope of
the struggle.

The Anarchist Group in Sudan (13th of April)

 
Dona&ons can either be done by bank transfer (contact us to
know our bank details ), or via the electronic platorm:https://www.paypal.com/paypalme/cntait1
(please check "Send money to an individual" to reduce bank
fees). Send an email to contact@cnt-ait.info to inform us of
your dona&on. By doing so we will keep you informed of the
developments of the solidarity campaign
Donors list number 3 : Kevin P, 128,81 ; Penny S, 5,74 ; Meryl
C, 4,66 ; Silas C, 251,67 ; Silas C, 251,67 ; Ipass F, 2,26 ; Ian S,
9,14 ; Catherine B, 50 ; Ed L, 4,08 ; Maizy L, 23,03 ; Ed L,
5,54 ; Philippe L, 50 ; Daniel G, 10,63 ; Michel et Sylvie Q, 50 ;
Ed L, 2,66 ; Michael R, 15,57 ; Fil M, 100. Total of this list:
965,46 euros / Total transferred to Sudan anarchists since
the beginning: 8600 euros, Total transferred to Sudanese
migrant solidarity groups: 1402 euros
This bimonthly is published jointly by the Anarchist Group of Sudan,
the CNT-AIT France, and their friends. If you would like to receive
future issues, please contact us: contact@cnt-ait.info

 

THE SUDANESE WAR: A STRUGGLE OF
MASTERS IN THE ABSENCE OF THE PEOPLE. AN
ANARCHIST REFLECTION ON THE ABSURDITY
OF POWER

The Sudanese war between the army and the Rapid
Support Forces is not a conflict between two opposing
factions. From an anarchist perspective, it is rather the
delayed outbreak of ancestral violence, established on the
day the state was founded, not the day the war broke out.
The state itself, in this context, is not a "neutral entity" that
has deviated from its course. Rather, it is the structure that
produced this conflict and created all the conditions
necessary for its outbreak. In the anarchist conception, the
state is neither a collective umbrella nor a social contract.
Rather, it is a machine of domination, founded on three
pillars: monopoly, hierarchy, and violence. Whenever
formal balances collapse, this violence reverts to its
abstract nature: knives, shells, rapes, sieges, and massacres
in the name of "sovereignty" and "discipline."

The Army and the Rapid Support Forces: A Struggle of
Branches in the Absence of Roots

 
Both sides claim to protect the homeland, but which one?
Anarchism rejects this vulgar conception of the homeland
as a space subject to military control, considering this so-
called homeland as a mere map of influence, guarded by
gunpowder and invested in blood. The army does not
represent the people, and the Rapid Support Forces do not
represent the periphery. They are the dual incarnations of
the same power structure: one dressed in the garb of the
institution, the other emerging from a long-oppressed
periphery that has reproduced the tools of the oppressor,
turning them on the national body itself. There is no real
difference between the weapon of the state and that of the
clan when the objective is the same: domination.

The People, a Void in the War Equation

In all this, the people are not a party, but a void, a breach
into which debris is thrown, where violence is tested, and
patience is appealed to in the name of patriotism, dignity,
or religion.

From an anarchist perspective, war is not simply "against
the people," but rather its negation: there is no room for the
free individual, no voice for the collective conscience, no
will to resist outside the conditions of power.

Consequently, it is impossible to imagine a true "end" to
this war from within the system. Every military victory is
another defeat for the people, and every ceasefire is a
temporary postponement of a new cycle of tyranny.

The State, a Big Lie: When Protection Becomes
Colonialism

 
The anarchist doesn't ask: who governs? He asks: why are
the people governed? In Sudan, as in all former colonies,
the state was never the product of a free contract, but rather
a colonial extension with local tools. Thus, the army itself,
sometimes presented as a symbol of sovereignty, is nothing
more than an elitist reproduction of colonial violence, with
a different uniform color and a different logo. 

 The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), for their part, are a
cruder caricature, inflated in the laboratory of power to fill
temporary roles, then spiraling out of control, not because
they are different, but because they are an uncontrolled
version of the same original.

Anarchist Salute: Against Victory, To Get Out of the
Game

From an anarchist perspective, it is pointless to ask "who
wins?" » The most important question is: how to withdraw
from this game without dying? Liberation, here, does not
mean "regime change," but rather the demolition of the
control structure itself. Societies must return to managing
their own affairs from the bottom up, without tutelage,
armies, or leaders. Resistance committees, grassroots
solidarity initiatives, and the collaborative economy in the
face of collapse are not only tools of resistance, but the
core of another world. A world where life is not
monopolized and hope is not managed from military
offices.

Open Conclusion: War is not a catastrophe

The catastrophe awaits the tools of violence to save us
from violence. From an anarchist perspective, the path to
salvation lies not in victory, but in delegitimizing the entire
game.

Sudan Anarchist Gathering
June 23, 2025

 « The people » is not a reality. It is a
practical political myth, a functional
fable.

The idea of « the people » is not a fixed entity or a
homogeneous essence, but rather an imaginary construct that
emerges every time power, revolution, nation, or justice are
invoked. On the surface, it suggests simplicity: a unified
group with a will, a voice, and an interest. But underneath, it
is a complex of contradictions, a collection of dissonant
voices, a decentralized complex of forces, incapable of being
reduced to a single word.

« The people » is not a tree with a single root (origin, identity,
history), but a network of roots that grow horizontally,
connect, separate, return, and intertwine without a center,
without a beginning, without an end. There is no single point
at which it can be said, « Here the people begin » or « Here
the people speak. »
In political discourse, « the people » is used as a rhetorical
facade to conceal class struggle, inequality, and symbolic
violence. The diverse, conflicting, and marginalized « people
» are transformed into a single, illusory entity, serving
specific purposes:

The state speaks in the name of the people to justify
repression.
The opposition speaks in the name of the people to justify
revolution.

The right and the left dispute over “who is the real people”
But who really is the people? Is it the hungry on the margins?
Is it the bourgeoisie disguised as a popular group? Is it the
worker, the refugee, the prisoner, the student, the intellectual?
Or do all of these belong to overlapping classes and
movements that cannot be combined into a single container
without negating their characteristics and conflicts?
This analysis does not seek the « essence of the people, » but
rather asks: How is this concept created? Who formulates it?
Who uses it? Against whom? And for what purpose?
It is an analysis that rejects the focus on « national identity »
or « common interest, » focusing instead on deconstructing
the relationship between power, language, and the political
imagination.

The result? « The people » is not real. It is a practical political
myth, a myth with a function. Its function may be to unify,
mobilize, or justify. But, at its core, it is a discourse device
that produces power as much as it claims to represent the
powerless.

N.C. (Tunisia)

 Statement by the Anarchist Front of Iran
and Afghanistan condemning the war-
mongering governments

We, the Anarchist Front of Iran and Afghanistan, once
again reaffirm our unwavering and principled stance:
Every war-at any scale and under any pretext-that is
initiated or prolonged by states is to be unequivocally
condemned.

States, regardless of their form or appearance, utilize war
as an instrument for survival and control. And in this
process, it is the lives, dignity, and futures of ordinary
people that are trampled underfoot.
At a time when the world is once more engulfed by
violence, bombings, death, displacement, and insecurity,
we insist on this enduring truth: the true victims of war are
always the people-not the states, not ideologies, not
borders.

Our struggle, as ever, is not for the redistribution of power
among elites, but against the very institution of the state
and all forms of organized domination.

We stand in solidarity-with care and resolve-alongside the
people of Iran, Afghanistan, and the broader region.
What we are witnessing today is, on one hand, the blatant
crimes of the Israeli regime, which targets civilians in Gaza
and elsewhere with savage brutality. On the other hand, we
see the Islamic Republic of Iran manipulating public fear,
playing geopolitical games at the cost of Iranian lives, and
forcing the burden of war upon society.

We see the Islamic Republic not merely as a regional
warmonger, but as part of a global chain of domination and
repression-a regime that for decades has assaulted the
Iranian people with censorship, poverty, imprisonment,
torture, and execution, and recklessly endangers millions
through its military provocations.

While we condemn the atrocities of the sionist regime in
the strongest terms, we also declare that the struggle
against the Islamic Republic is part of our broader fight
against all states and structures of domination-a struggle
that will persist.

We fight for a world without borders without states,
without armies or authoritarianism-a world in which
humanity, life and freedom are placed at the center. Our
primary war has always been the war against political
authoritarianism, totalitarianism and the state itself.
Anarchist Front of Iran and Afghanistan (13th of June)
Original in farsi : https://anarchis8ront.noblogs.org
 :תרגום לעבריתhttps://cnt-ait.info/2025/06/16/statement-
iran-he